Sunday, 12 February 2017

SIDELIGHTS : : Reason and faith resemble the two sons of the patriarch; reason is the first born, but faith inherits the blessing:—Culverwell.

I have just returned from a meeting addressed by P.C. Joshi, this being the first occasion of my seeing and hearing him. As a public speaker he suffers from many handicaps. He has not the right platform voice as Dange has. Nor has he, like Dange, poise and equilibrium, or that command over hands and features inseparable from consummateness in public speech. His delivery is a succession of paroxysms. The recoil of each seems to throw him back a few paces, giving to staticity the impress of a difficulty achieved balancing feat. In the violence of his gestures while speaking, he resembles ex-Minister Giri. But while Giri moves up and down, the knees bending and straightening to provide emphasis to his perorations, Joshi’s movement is lateral. It is devoid of footwork.
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As he speaks the sentences tumble into each other. The succeeding ones are too impatient to bide their time. They rush forward, very frequently injuring or even mutilating out of existence the tails of the ones going before. Such terrific consumption of motor energy is visible in the physical offshoots of Joshi’s speech that he is rather a painful figure to contemplate. When C.R. or Srinivasa Sastri speaks, you are thrown into a thrill which is enjoyed by both mind and ear; they get hungry for more and at the end wish the speech had gone on a little longer. Similar tribute of being felt as much too short is not wrung by Joshi from his hearers. Their feeling is one of relief that an exercise full of strain to the performer has at last come to an end.

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Joshi opened this evening’s speech with a grand eulogy of the rally that Madras was supposed  to have made to the freedom movement, alongside of Bombay and other places, in one common mass rising of the anti-imperialist forces of all India. He called for revenge on behalf of the martyred victims of the day. Having been privileged to see on the spot something of the rising thus praised, I must say that I saw more of rowdyism than any spirit of freedom in it. Harmless passers-by were subjected by the demonstrators to arbitrary indignities. Joshi who later in his speech very rightly condemned rowdyism, and announced with quite proper spirit,--to the accompaniment of loud shouts of “Down with rowdyism” from many throats,--that his party would never be coerced by it, should not have failed as he did to recognize the very large share that rowdyism played in the demonstrations of last week. Rowdyism is not an evil to be deplored only when the Communists happen to be its victims. I value civil liberty, and I feel that everyone that was manhandled roughly without any provocation during the demonstrations in Madras was as much entitled as the Communist Party itself undoubtedly is.
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These imperfections apart, Joshi made a great speech. His comment on Congress leadership was devastating when he adverted to the harbourage afforded by it to well-known anti-social elements like black-marketeers and profiteers. Nothing that he said was so vociferously cheered. The crowd that gathered to listen to Joshi must have been at least 12,000 in number. It was a huge concourse so far as Madras audiences go. That so many should clap hands in approbation while top-rank Congress leaders are attacked for their tender patronage of the war-made rich is a fact not to be got rid of by being loftily ignored, and the assailed leaders would do well to study it and profit by it, instead of burying their heads, ostrich-wise, in the sands of complacence over anticipated election success and the loyalty of the people to the Congress. Not long ago, when I carried a protest over the selection of a reputed black-marketeer as Congress candidate, to one of the great leaders of the provincial Congress organization, he calmly said, “Who is not a black-marketeer these days?”
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Joshi’s very limitations as a speaker stamp with extra distinction his value as a political propagandist. The Communist Party does not lack able speakers. For example, young Ramakrishnan who translated Joshi into Tamil is gifted with a torrential eloquence of which any veteran in political and debating experience can be proud. He transformed the secondhand task of translation into an art of delightful improvisation and high mettle without any disturbance in sense, and as his tempo rose, he reminded me of Sir S. Radhakrishnan,--the same fluency,, the same distinctness of utterance, the same regimental band effect. But Communist propaganda seems to depend far more on convictions and ideas than on expertness of talk and the graces of oratory.
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Mass predisposition in favour of revered leaders has its dangers. The crowds that greet Gandhi and Nehru are taken off their feet by their own idolizing fervor to such an extent that they are left defenceless; they tend to accept ideas and suggestions put forward before them without proper independent scrutiny. Lower down, the Gandhian glamour is marketed to their own advantage by many minor priests of no particular worth in the Congress temple. Manufacture of mob enslavement on a vast scale, with every sign of dissent stigmatized severely as disloyalty, is the result. Against this tendency, the Communists have been waging a hard struggle. Communist faith is built round ideas and not personalities. Nowadays Communist leaders like Joshi and Sundarayya of quite average ability as speakers, are able to command huge audiences running into thousands of whom many come from long distances to listen to them. A new public is being born with its mind turned towards ideas, a public capable of criticism and discrimination, of judging for itself what will advance its interests best, of sensing intelligently humbug camouflaged as public spirit.

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This public is one of under-dogs. It is ill-represented on the electorate. Communists have given to it hope, a faith to live by, and the energy, grit, organizational skill, propagandist zeal, capacity for hard work, indifference to money and careers, and above all readiness and resourcefulness in taking up local grievances and fighting oppression and exploitation of various kinds, evinced by them, have been endearing them to an ever-increasing circle of grateful beneficiaries. The technique of mass contact originated by Gandhi with personal benevolence as impetus is by the Communist Party being perfected on scientific lines with social revolution and liquidation of oppression as its driving force. It is a party of zealots susceptible to all the intolerances, dogmatism and fallacies of fanaticism, but its ruthlessness is redeemed by a certain broad humanitarian outlook, radicalism and freedom from superstition that invest it with a powerful appeal to the most progressive spirits of the age. If there are prigs in the Communist Party there are also saints disguised as realists.
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The inconsequence of rhetoric for the purposes of the Communist Party is illustrated in the position occupied by Joshi. He stands exposed to concentrated attack by all the propertied interests in the country now wooing the Congress for an alliance against social and economic revolution. Joshi’s political and historical importance springs from this fact. (March 3, 1946)—S A K A.


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