Tuesday, 28 February 2017

SIDELIGHTS : : In some cases newspapers pursue purposes other than the purely journalistic, and that determines their line. That may happen if the proprietor is a partner in other business enterprises, or if the paper belongs to a business concern, which has nothing to do with it, or if there are o ther business commitments, which influence the attitude of the paper in the treatment of certain problems. Every editor of a certain American newspaper, so it is said, was given a list of sixteen public corporatioins, in which the proprietor was ‘interested’ and about which not a critical word was allowed to appear in the journal.—Dr. IGNAZ ROTHENBERG.

SWATANTRA—JULY 12, 1947


AN American chronicler with a reputation as a careful reckoner of crowds, gives these reports of Mr. Wallace’s reception:
In Cleveland—“A cheering capacity audience of 3,000 in the public music hall; more than a thousand were left standing outside. Tickets cost 60 cents to $2.40.”
I Chicago—“A frenzied, cheering crowd of more than 20,000 overflowed the Chicago Stadium. It was a sell-out, and the scalpers even did some business at the doors.”
In Detroit—“Five thousand Detroiters paid 50 cents to a dollar to hear the former Vice-President, and an overflow crowd of 4,000 heard him through a public address system in a park across the street.”
In Los Angelos—“Twenty-seven thousand tickets were sold for the mass meeting. Top price was lifted to $3.60.”
And so on.
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Of Wallace’s visit to England, “which began as a private affair and turned into an international event,” Critic wrote thus in “New Statesman”:
“I can recall no other private visit to this country which has been so fully reported and discussed. One rather naïve reporter made the odd comment that we were justified in saying that Wallace’s visit had roused public attention by the fact that 2,000 tickets had been sold for a Central Hall meeting (London). Actually, the 3,000 tickets for the Central Hall meeting were sold out in a few days as a result of one annual advertisement in this journal (New Statesman). Subsequent enquiries and complaints showed that we could have sold out the Albert Hall three times over if it had been obtainable. There were 5,000 people  (on cup-tie afternoon) at the Manchester meeting; crowded meetings were held at Liverpool and Stoke; and, judging by enquiries from all over the country, similar crowds were anxious to hear Mr. Wallace in a score of English and Scottish cities.”

Yet Wallace is no spell-binding orator. Of his Central Hall speech in London referred to in the paragraph above, an English journal reported, “Wallace’s delivery was dull. He read his speech, mostly with his eyes on his prepared script. Once he stumbled badly, and had to correct what he had misread . . . He seemed taken aback by the brilliance of Crossman and Priestley who preceded him.” The political value of public gatherings is proportionately increased when they meet to hear speakers that have little to offer them by way of oratorical thrills. As the entertainment value of a speech diminishes, the public importance of the crowd listening to it tends to increase. When people gather in large numbers to listen to the dull platform performances of non-brilliant lecturers, (even paying a fee for it!) it is an indication of popular sympathy for the ideas associated with them, without reference to skill in presentation or any gifts of forensic artistry.
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Little minds in his own country have reproached Wallace as a “starry-eyed idealist,” but Wallace really is one of the very few true internationalists of our time with a vision of world welfare extending beyond his own native country’s frontiers. One central idea runs throughout his political thought. It is that the root of famine, misery and strife all the world over lies in the fact that far too many men are struggling with primitive tools to gain a wretched living from refractory uneconomic holdings. They have to be relieved through the pressure on land being relieved and alternative employment in industry found for some of them. Realising the need for a worldwide balance between agriculture and, industry, Wallace holds that the biggest social objective of mankind at the present day is to raise the standard of tillers of soil everywhere to the level of living of industrial peoples. Wallace would have America’s dollars used in the promotion of industrialization to raise the standard of life of primary producers in backward countries, rather than to buy allies as Truman has been doing in Greece and Turkey.
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But Wallace has neither a party machine nor the support of any organized interests in his attempts to win public response for his ideas. To politicians in modern times bent on winning public support, the Press next day is even more important than their immediate audience, but Wallace, with none to pull strings for him in the underworld of manoeuvre and intrigue from which the daily Press of America draws its guidance and inspiration, found his speeches ignored in the papers after his break with the President, and his avenues of approach to the judgment and conscience of American voters cut off. From this isolation he has won back Press publicity, partly with an adventure of his own in journalism by taking up the editorship of the weekly, New Republic, but mainly by forcing world attention on his views with a European tour. He is no longer neglected by the Press of his country and substantial coverage is being given of late to his political tours.
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When the Press denies fair reporting, the equilibrium of responsible government is gravely disturbed. The outbursts of hostile sentiment that have been so frequently greeting our Madras Ministers when they make their appearance on  public platforms nowadays, are a form of reaction to many a resented deviation of the daily Press from the strict proprieties of impartial reporting. Perhaps because most of the editors of our newspapers are themselves immersed up the neck in intrigues behind the scenes to promote the fortunes of this or that combatant for honours or leadership, there is nothing like objective fairness in the reporting columns of the papers controlled by them. Space is allotted not in proportion to the public importance of speakers or the merit and worth of their speeches, but in accordance with a table of preferences and exclusions got up by the man in control very often with far from creditable motives completely divorced from professional journalistic standards. The effect of the shady system of bans and boosts that prevails in many a newspaper office (to the hurt and degradation of conscientious reporters that are sought thereby to be turned into hacks) is a source of constant exasperation to the public whose helplessness against the authors of the system drives them to seek other ways of letting the steam off. The orderliness of social behaviour all the world over would seem to have a direct relation with the quality of the Press; and if we had newspapers of greater integrity in our midst it is not unlikely that there would have been less of violence and disturbance in public meetings and social life.—(SWATANTRA July 12, 1947) S A K A.

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