This drawing
made by our artist, Ram Gopal, while Rajaji was at work.
RAJAJI TO GANDHIJI: “What you said about me publicly has,
like the churning of the ocean, brought up all the poison and you have to
swallow it like Rudra ! I know you can. But it has made my old longing for
peace too strong to resist. I haven’t the strength to stand it any longer. I
bore much all these days. I struggled hard to work without minding the
calumniators but I give it up now.
“I have often asked myself the question: Is it worthwhile? I
feel it is not. I must yield to the longing of my heart not to be
misunderstood. Why should I be thought to be seeking ‘power’ when it is not the
case at all? I must prove it, although the proof is one that leaves no good
behind but the mere proof.
“Now that the urgent job of selections for the Legislature is
all over, let me leave the scene.”
Profile –C. Rajagopalachari
“Let me leave the scene”
C. Rajagopalachari concludes,
with this appeal, his letter to Gandhiji, a superb document which will rank as
a masterpiece in the literature of political controversy of our or any time.
“He should have done it long
before”, said one of the “calumniators” as, with astonishment, he read the news
as it came out of the teleprinter in his office.
WHY ALL THIS STRUGGLE?
At the height of the Tiruchengode
election controversy I asked C.R. point-blank, why he should stuggle for what,
if he just kept quiet, was bound to come to him a-begging on its knees.
He replied that two
considerations weighed with him more than anything else.
(1)
The
cost to the public would be great if experienced politicians abstained from
seeking responsibility on critical occasions for the sake of personal comfort
or dignity or for fear of being misunderstood. He wanted to save the people
from having to bear that cost.
(2)
Seeking
responsibility is a political duty. One should not be deflected from it,
bridegroom-wise, by modesty and similar personal sentiments, or by calculations
that bank on others’ coming in subsequently with desired initiatives. In the
course of seeking responsibility vested interests will have to be fought.
Fighting them is itself a part of political duty. C.R. said that, so long as he
felt that the people were on his side, he would not be frightened by vested
interests into abandoning the struggle.
After his letter to Gandhiji seeking
permission to leave the scene, I met C.R. and recalled to him his earlier
explanation. “How did the two considerations which he emphasized then, cease to
have validity now”, I asked.
He said that the very cost to the
public which he wanted to prevent could not be prevented evenif he continued
the struggle. Deliberate poisoning of the political atmosphere had gone too far
for any good to come. So he abandoned the scene, giving in to a desire for
relief which he had resisted with great strain to body and mind, so long.
MERE PROOF AND NO GOOD BEHIND
Kamaraj Nadar and his friends are
left with a proof—the “mere proof” with “no good behind”—that must force them
to desist from any more charging C.R. with “seeking power”. Will they make of their triumph anything more
than seeking power? Unenviable would be their plight should they fail,
especially as it will be measured against the towering background of C.R.’s
renunciation and the love that themasses are ever swift to pour out on leaders
that do sacrifice and give up things.
In the course of the anti-C.R.
Press campaign, I am confronted with many quotations from my own criticisms of
his premiership disinterred, apparently with considerable labour of research,
from the bowels of old newspaper files. Had I not said that for power he was
greedy? That he had depressed the hearts of Congressmen by manifestations of
favour for others? And so forth.
SACRIFICE
My answer is that the whole
setting of C.R.’s position as political leader has to me been changed since
1942. The high pinnacle of prestige in the Congress that he had reached before
that year came by way of Gandhian discipleship. In that year, he cast away, at
one throw, all the consolidated advantage of a quarter-century of Gandhian
discipleship at its most favoured, --all for dear love of integrity, and for
striking out for a faith which he held to be true against all dissenters. C.R.
should have known what it would cost. Not merely parting political company from
the companions of a life-time, above all from Mahatma, the dearest and
mightiest of them all, but misunderstanding, ostracism, wilderness. To give up
what he gave up, to face what he must have known he would have to face—this could
not have been done by a seeker for power. There was sincerity, sacrifice, real
heroism in it.
I regard it as poor journalism to
refuse to budge from an opinion once expressed, when overwhelming experiences
contradicting it present themselves, claiming to be taken into account. One’s
own sense of right is worth nothing if it is to be made into a fetish before
which all that tends to assail it is to be sacrificed.
ANOMALIES
When I find Congressmen,
professing no interest in parliamentary activities, spending sleepless nights
in intrigues to secure C.R.’s exclusion from the same parliamentary activities;
when in its name of Revolution I find rich men hiring saboteurs while from safe
backgrounds they waited for news of the exploits of their hirelings; when I
find these same rich men, coming forward to cash in on the August resolution in
the guise of Congress patriots; when I find men with no record of public work
to their credit but plenty of reputation for adeptness in profiteering and
black-marketing, installed as legislators without an iota of competence for the
role—I feel that it is not perhaps altogether inapt that for one like C.R.
there should be no place in the political scene as it is being shaped by the
provincial organizational leaders of the Congress. Among the whole crowd of
them C.R. shines out as a figure of transcendent courage and honesty.
Those that now enjoy the triumph
of his exit from the scene will presently be responsible for breaking the
Congress to pieces in the name of serving the Congress.—(SWATANTRA March 2,
1946) KHASA.
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